March 13 - Houston's army breaks camp at Gonzales shortly before midnight and travels all night (10 miles). Historical Marker titled "Route of the San Jacinto Campaign" located in the 1200 block of St. Louis Street (at Smith St.) in Gonzales shows the route out of town.

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March 13 - Houston's army breaks camp at Gonzales shortly before midnight and travels all night (10 miles). Historical Marker titled "Route of the San Jacinto Campaign" located in the 1200 block of St. Louis Street (at Smith St.) in Gonzales shows the route out of town.

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Marker text:

Stricken with news of the fall of the Alamo and threatened by a massive Mexican army, Sam Houston gathered the nucleus of a Texan army here, issued orders to burn this town (to hinder the Mexicans) and march east, March 13, 1836. He won Victory at San Jacinto, April 21.State Historical Survey Committee - 1969

After marching eastward, the Texian army reaches the Lavaca River by sunset on the 14th and camps at the Williamson Daniels place. The site is located in Moulton, Tx.

Benjamin Briggs Goodrich to Edmund Goodrich, March 15, 1836. Delegate to convention at Washington-on-the-Brazos reports that the enemy is marching toward Washington. Women and children may have to be evacuated beyond their reach. Enemy fights under a red flag signifying "no quarter."

http://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth101094/m1/287/

http://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth101094/m1/288/

BEWARE THE IDES OF MARCH

Can we get text on that monument in front of the American Legion Hall?

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Can we get text on that monument in front of the American Legion Hall?

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It should be at

http://atlas.thc.state.tx.us/

But I can't find a listing. They may not have all of the 1936 markers listed.

March 16, 1836: News reaches New Orleans of Travis' dispatch of Feb. 24.

Texas. Constitutional Convention. Executive Ordinance, March 16, 1836. Contains fourteen articles that establish the ad interim government of the Republic of Texas. Major subjects: officers of the government, election of the officers, authorization of a loan, appropriation of funds, and authorization to make treaties with other nations.

http://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth2392/m1/508/

William Bryan to "His Excellency the Governor and Hon Council of Texas," March 16, 1836. Texas general agent in New Orleans reports receipt of two iron field pieces [the "Twin Sisters], presented by the citizens of Cincinnati, Ohio. Will be delivered to the revolutionary government




To His Excellency the Governor Agency of Texas New Orleans
& Hon Council of Texas March 16th 1836
Gentm
I have rec'd a letter from Cincinnati
Ohio, & with it two Iron field pieces complete excepting harness, presented
by the Citizens of Cincinnati, (through WM Curry Chm of Texas Committee
Edward Woodruff & Pulaski Smith Esquire) to the Government of Texas[.]
I have in the name of the government acknowledged their receipt, and
presented them with your thanks for their noble & acceptable donation[.]
[A]t their request Mr WC Ogilvie has the charge of delivering the
Guns to the Government. It is also Mr Ogilvie['s] intention to devote
himself to the cause of Texas. [W]e have no doubt he will prove a
valuable acquisition to the Army.
I have the Honour to be
Yours Respectfully
Wm Bryan
General Agent

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Can we get text on that monument in front of the American Legion Hall?

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Marker Number 4924
Atlas Number 5285004924
Marker Title Site of the Camp of the Texas Army
Year Marker Erected 1936
Grave Marker (gray granite)Marker
Text March 15, 1836 under the command of General Sam Houston while retreating from Gonzales to the Brazos River.

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Can we get text on that monument in front of the American Legion Hall?

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Ask and it shall be given to you-

Mar. 16-17th - The Texian army camps and crosses at Jesse Burnham's Ferry in Fayette County. The army also assist civilians crossing the Colorado River. Since the actual ferry crossing is on private property, the monument was located about 11/2 miles west of the ferry near the Catholic Church in Holman, Tx (Hwy 155 between La Grange & Weimar). The town of Ellinger lies just east of Burnham's crossing. When the Texian army left, the ferry and all buildings were burned.

Sam Houston to James Collinsworth, March 17, 1836. Houston writes to the chairman of the military affairs committee of the Texan government [from a location near the Colorado River south of present-day La Grange] about his military situation vis--vis the Mexican force marching eastward toward his army. Vows to fight.

pg 2

pg 3



https://www.tsl.texas.gov/exhibits/presidents/houston1/sam_houston_mar17_1836_1.html

Historical Markers of interest: http://atlas.thc.state.tx.us/

Marker Number: 4924
Atlas Number: 5285004924
Marker Title: Site of the Camp of the Texas Army
Address: Lavaca and Bobkat St.
City: Moulton
County: Lavaca
Year Marker Erected: 1936
Marker Size: 1936 Centennial - Grave Marker (gray granite)
Marker Text
March 15, 1836 under the command of General Sam Houston while retreating from Gonzales to the Brazos River.

Marker Number: 4375
Atlas Number: 5285004375
Marker Title: Route of the Texas Army
City: Hallettsville
County: Lavaca
Subject Codes
Texas Revolution, Republic of Texas; military topics
Year Marker Erected: 1969
Marker Location: from Hallettsville, take Highway 77 north about 9 miles west, roadside park
Marker Size: 14" x 24"
Marker Text
In Texas Revolution, Gen. Sam Houston and his Texas Army crossed Rocky Creek near this spot, March 15, 1836, retreating eastward from town of Gonzales. Their victory 5 weeks later over Santa Anna's Mexican Army, in Battle of San Jacinto, brought freedom to Texas, April 21.

Marker Number: 8121
Atlas Number: 5473008121
Marker Title: Camp Site Of the Texas Army
County: Waller
Year Marker Erected: 1936
Marker Location: 1.5 miles south of Hempsted on SH 159
Marker Size: 1936 Centennial - Highway Marker (pink granite)
Marker Text
Five miles to the southeast to the camp site of the Texas Army March 31 to April 13, 1836 when it crossed the Brazos on the steamboat Yellow Stone and began its march toward Harrisburg.

anybody have a good map of the probable routes taken by the Texans and the mexicans on the way to San Jacinto ? Most of what I can find are just broad arrows that are about 50 miles wide and way too general.

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anybody have a good map of the probable routes taken by the Texans and the mexicans on the way to San Jacinto ? Most of what I can find are just broad arrows that are about 50 miles wide and way too general.

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Here's a website detailing all of the campsites of the Texas Army during the march east



http://www.earlytexashistory.com/Tx1836/campsites.html

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Outstanding! Thank you

Mar 18th- Houston's army moves farther down the Colorado River from Burnham's and camps at John Crier's.

On March 18, while at Crier's, Houston had dispatched a scouting party consisting of Erastus "Deaf" Smith, Henry Wax Karnes, John Sharp, and six other mounted men. On the west side of the Navidad, on the road which led from Beeson's Crossing to Gonzales, they discovered recent horse tracks, and, after making sure their weapons were loaded and operational, followed the tracks to the east. Before reaching the Navidad, they encountered a few Mexican scouts and attacked. The Mexicans scrambled for the thick woods in the Navidad bottom, some on horseback and some afoot. One, whose horse was shot out from under him, attempted to fight but was killed by shots to the body and head. Another was captured. Houston's scouts, with their prisoner, returned to the scene of the attack, gathered what articles they could from the dead man, then set out on the road to Beeson's Crossing. They had learned from their prisoner that a sizable unit of the Mexican army commanded by Joaquin de Ramrez y Sesma was right behind them. The scouts crossed the Navidad at the home of William W. W. Thompson, setting fire to his house as they left. They arrived at Benjamin Beeson's house to find it guarded by some of Houston's men. One of the scouts escorted their prisoner across the river to Houston's camp; the others apparently tried to get a look at the just-arriving Mexicans. While they were gone, five of Houston's soldiers, determined to steal some bacon from Beeson's house, crossed the river and found the house guarded by a lone sentinel. They bullied their way past him, broke down Beeson's door, and helped themselves to the bacon. As they were mounting their horses, they saw the scouts, chased by a number of Mexican soldiers, running for the house. The five thieves made for the river and crossed to the camp. The scouts spent the night at or near Beeson's house. The next morning, before crossing the river themselves, they set the house and its outbuildings afire.23
http://library.columbustexas.net/history/part2.htm

Instead of retreating hastily to Victoria, Fannin spent March 18 taking "the necessary measures for a retreat in accordance with the resolution of the officers in council last evening." He and his men had no intention of making a hurried retreat, nor any apparent concern for their situation. The men were still ready for a fight, and most, including their commander, little esteemed the prowess of their enemy.

Urrea, knowing Fannin's intentions, dispatched cavalry units and rancheros to hold the Texans at Goliad, as he had done with Ward at Refugio; and, expecting daily Morales's battalions from San Antonio, was bringing up the remainder of his army to lay siege to Fort Defiance. Morales and his 500 men occupied their assigned position on Manahuilla Creek about three miles north of Goliad on March 17; Urrea reached the San Antonio River the same day and joined Morales the next. The Mexican army now totaled at least 1,400 men, excluding the 200 rancheros.

Horton had discovered Morales's battalions during a scouting mission on March 17, at which time a council among Fannin and his officers determined to retreat the next morning. At that time Urrea's advance cavalry appeared, and Horton, sent to chase them, tired his horses. Fannin, thinking these advance units were the whole of Urrea's army, assumed Fort Defiance would soon be put under siege and so kept the garrison on alert, ordered the buried cannons dug up and remounted, and the village of La Baha burned. The oxen, sole means of removing artillery, supplies, munitions, and baggage, were left standing unfed in the corrals. No retreat was attempted even that night, a delay based on Horton's seeing Mexican troops at the San Antonio River crossing and his concern that the night was too dark to keep to the road.

The retreat, started at midmorning during a heavy fog on March 19, was late and much confused. Provisions so painfully accumulated were burned; rations for the march were not saved; the unearthed cannons were spiked. Fannin still insisted on bringing nine brass cannons and 500 spare muskets. The carts were heavily loaded, the hungry oxen unruly. Precious time was lost as a cart broke down; the largest artillery piece fell into the San Antonio River and required an hour's labor to retrieve. Even so, the retreat might have been accomplished had Fannin listened to the urgings of Duval, Westover, and Shackelford and pushed his march to the shelter of the woods bordering Coleto Creek. Instead, Fannin halted the column to rest the men and graze the hungry oxen on the broad prairie between Manahuilla and Coleto creeks, thus losing another precious hour. Had this halt been made in the Coleto woods, water, forage for the teams, a defensible position, and superior marksmanship would have multiplied Texan strength.

Fannin and many of his men, contemptuous of Mexican military abilities, did not believe the enemy would follow them. Urrea, skillfully stalking his foe, mistook Fannin's unexplained delay for an intention to stand and fight at Goliad and was not immediately prepared to intercept him; thus he allowed the Texans a two-hour lead, which Fannin unfortunately lost crossing the San Antonio River and grazing the oxen. His resting the teams beyond Manahuilla Creek allowed Urrea to overtake the Texans on the open prairie, and the breakdown of the overloaded ammunition cart then prevented Fannin's little army from reaching the shelter of Encinal del Perdido, a closer, smaller wood toward the north.

Surrounded on the prairie, without food and without water, Fannin's inexperienced command fought the seasoned veterans with whom Urrea had encircled them throughout the long and bloody afternoon of March 19. The Texans suffered ten deaths and sixty or more wounded; Urrea lost considerably more, perhaps some fifty killed and 140 wounded, but reports vary widely. Fannin's men, unwilling to leave their wounded, chose not to escape under cover of darkness as they might otherwise have done. They were aroused on the following morning by fire of Urrea's artillery, which had arrived with Mexican reinforcements overnight. The Texan commander was convinced of the futility of continuing the fight and the necessity of seeking surrender terms, especially since his men were huddled helplessly in improvised trenches, were without food, and had no water for the wounded. By order of el presidente, Santa Anna, and by congressional decree, however, Urrea could offer no terms other than unconditional surrender (see COLETO, BATTLE OF).

Horton and about thirty mounted men had gone forward to hold the Coleto crossing before the fighting began on March 19. They were not included in the capitulation, having escaped after attempting to break through Mexican lines; they returned to the edge of the timber and eventually retreated to Victoria. Horton could see no useful purpose in adding his men to the general sacrifice. His comrades did expect that he would bring reinforcements the next morning, but finding Victoria virtually deserted-Dimmitt, Linn, and White had since departed-Horton continued on to Gonzales, though he made no attempt to hold that place and await Ward's men, who were thought to be retreating from Refugio.

Ward, having fed and rested his men at ***an's ranch on March 18, headed for Victoria via the Guadalupe timber. On the nineteenth he heard the sound of Fannin's battle at the Coleto, an estimated ten miles distant, and after losing valuable time trying to join Fannin there, returned to the Guadalupe riverbottom that night. Urrea, knowing that Fannin expected reinforcements and that Ward planned to rejoin his commander at Victoria, already had dispatched the rancheros of Carlos de la Garza and others who knew the land well to prevent Ward from joining Fannin and to pick up stragglers. After Fannin's surrender on March 20, Urrea pressed toward Victoria, where he skirmished with some of Ward's men trying to enter the town. Ward, with the remnants of the Georgia Battalion dispirited, footsore, hungry, and without ammunition, again retreated into the Guadalupe woods. There a number of his men left him, and ten of them eventually escaped.

On March 19th, the rain returned and Houston marched his army a few miles downstream. They spent the night in a thicket of post oaks awaiting word from the scouts,

Man. I thought I knew my history but you guys amaze me! Love it.

http://www.sonsofdewittcolony.org/goliadmassacremap.htm

tonight's sky is the same night sky of Saturday/Sunday March 26/27,1836. (Palm Sunday)

We'll discuss this next week

The Battle and Capitulation at Coleto Creek

Our route led us through one of those charming landscapes where little prairies alternate with thin forests of oak without any undergrowth. Frequently we saw herds of cattle grazing on the luxuriant grass; and immense herds of deer looked with amazement at the little army wending its way through the stillness of the west. And the noble Andalusian horses, that had their beginning here with the horrible conquest of Mexico by Cortez, stamped away in close formation over the undulating prairie, and long after they had disappeared one could still hear the rumble of their fleeing hoofs. Eight miles from Goliad begins a considerable treeless prairie, known as the nine-mile prairie. It was in this prairie that the army had warily advanced from four to five miles by three o'clock in the afternoon.

I and a few of my friends who were bringing up the rear-guard, were about two miles behind with the instructions to keep a watchful eye on the forest, which was several miles away to the left of us. Since not the least trace of an enemy had shown itself so far we rode carelessly along until we accidentally turned around noticed at a distance of about four miles a figure in the part of the forest through which we had just come that looked like a rider on horse back. Since, however, it did not move, we came to the conclusion that it was a tree or some other lifeless object. Without taking further notice of it we rode on. A quarter of an hour might have passed; and as our army at a distance of one to one and one-half miles was moving at snail's pace ahead of us and as we did not wish to catch up with it, we decided to halt a little while to graze and rest our horses. Now, first as we, let our gaze wander over the immense prairie to enjoy the beauty of the scene, we saw behind us near the edge of the forest a long black streak on the plain. It was impossible for us to tell what it was. A few though possibly that they were large herds of cattle that the settlers were driving eastward out of reach of the Mexicans. But this seemed improbable as all of those that stood on the side of the Texans had cleared the region west of the Guadalupe, since they would rather lose everything than to further bear the yoke of Santa Anna. As we looked more intently and observed the disturbing object more closely, we noticed a moving and twisting in the dark mass that grew larger and larger and in proportion to the distance ever plainer. We could no longer doubt that it was the Mexican cavalry that was following us in full gallop. Hastily we mounted our horses and dashed off at full speed to our comrades to prepare them for the reception of the enemy. The news was received with a hurrah. Everything was at once prepared for battle. A hollow square was formed, and in this way, of course very slowly we continued our march. Fannin, our commander, was a gallant and spirited warrior, but for the commanding officer, where he should act with independence, understanding, and decision, he was totally unfit. Instead of trying to reach the forest one mile away for the sake of our safety, where the Americans and the Texans are invincible, he decided to offer battle on an unfavorable, open terrain.

The Mexicans sped up at a distance of from 500 to 600 yards gave us a volley from their carbines, to which, however, we paid no attention as the balls flew in respectable distance over our heads. Only occasionally one would whiz up entirely exhausted as if it were breathing its last breath and strike the ground in front of us without even knocking up any dust. Only one, an innocent thing-the sender probably never suspicioned that he was near taking a human life whistled through between me and the next man to me and tore off a part of the cap of my friend, Thomas Camp, who, after me, was the youngest man in the army. We remained completely passive and let the enemy approach who fired volley after volley at us as he came nearer our artillery officers mainly Poles and fine, tall men, patiently waited for the time when they could reply to the unholy greetings to advantage. The moment arrived, our ranks opened, and the artillery hurled death and destruction among the enemy. Their horses, to which the confusion of battle was a terror, reared up wildly.

The effect of our fire was frightful. Herds of horses were running without rider, while others were wallowing in blood and kicking furiously. The resulting confusion to some extent ******ed the attack of the enemy, and consequently we began to move forward again. But we could do this undisturbed only for a short time as we were soon threatened with a new attack. Fannin ordered a halt in spite of the fact that his attention was called to an enemy corps that was pushing through the forest to our left which probably intended to cut us off from the woods ahead while the detachment in the rear of us only aimed to detain us. Either Fannin did not grasp the danger of the situation or his ambitious nature held him back because some one else had discovered the maneuver of the enemy before he did. Finally, after we had repeatedly protested to him in vain that it was imperatively necessary for us to gain the woods, the Grays saw themselves obliged to indicate to him that they would march off alone. But it was now too late. The enemy had already appeared on the elevation ahead of us, and there was nothing for us to do except either to fight our way through or to offer battle in the unfavorable position in which we then were. Fannin was for the latter, and before the captains, who had assembled for consultation could reach a definite conclusion, the countless bugles of the Mexicans from all directions sounded for the attack. The cavalry itself rapidly advanced from all sides at once, not in closed ranks but in broken formation and with yelling and constant firing.

Their wild cries, with which they sought to intimidate us-because they could not do it with their guns-stood in clear contrast with the composure of our people, who waited for only the best opportunities to use their guns. The thunder of our artillery soon rolled peal upon peal and the balls flew devastatingly among the enemy. As the attack of the cavalry had so far been fruitless, all of his forces, since the infantry had just arrived, were now put into motion by the enemy, and we were attacked from all sides at once. Besides this, cooperating with the Mexicans, there were 300 Indians of the tribes of the Caranchuas and Lipans lying in the tall grass on the left of us toward the San Antonio River. We did not become aware of this contemptible enemy until a number of our people had been wounded by their bullets. Whereupon we sent a few loads of grape shot into the tall grass that freed us from them in a moment as they hastily fled in every direction.

Meanwhile the enemy infantry, that had combined with the cavalry, advanced step by step with constant but irregular firing. We now also made use of our guns and sent well aimed shots into the advancing hosts. We were soon enveloped in such dense smoke that we were occasionally obliged to cease firing and to advance slightly on the enemy in order to see our sights. The whole prairie as far as one could see was covered with powder smoke, and thousands of lightening flashes quivered through the dark masses accompanied with the incessant thunder of the artillery and the clear crack of our rifles. Among them sounded the scattered bugle calls of the Mexicans, encouraging the men to battle. From time to time our grape shot hailed death into the ranks of the enemy under the majestic roll of thunder. I do not believe that a coward was to be seen on the battlefield at this moment. Who has time and disposition then to think of himself and his life in such tumult? Who is not inspired by the lusty blowing of the bugles and the thunder of the cannon? All his senses are dulled. One sees nothing, one hears nothing except his enemy, and only partially does one hear the commands of the officers. That is the way it was with us. As the dense smoke only occasionally permitted us to see the advancing enemy, we stepped forward to meet them. Foolhardily several of us stood in his midst and fired.

I myself had gotten so far ahead in the general tumult and fired so incessantly that I did not notice how I stood right among the Mexicans. Everything was confusion and it seemed as if we were shooting each other down for pleasure. When I discovered my error, I hastily went back to my position as my ignition tube was stopped up besides. On my return to my comrades I stopped at each fallen enemy and fired the often loaded musket at the living ones. But how did it look in our camp? Many of our people were either severely wounded or killed. All of our artillerymen with the exception of one Pole had fallen and built a wall around silent cannon, whose power was now passed as the range was now too close to do effective service.

The whole battle ground was covered with dead men, horses, guns and all kinds of objects. I did not spend much time looking at the battlefield, but ran about to try out the guns of the fallen ones as quite a while would probably have been necessary to put mine in order again. I searched a long time before I found a usable one, as the damp, almost wet air, had made practically all unfit for use. Fannin himself was wounded three times. The third bullet had penetrated through a waterproof coat, the trousers, a pocket in the overcoat in which he had a silk handkerchief and into the flesh. But strangely enough it did not tear through the handkerchief and as he pulled it out, the bullet fell on the ground. Now first he felt the pain of the wound.

It was now between five and six o'clock. So far the enemy cavalry had tried in vain to drive its horses against us, because the terrible effect of our artillery and gun fire brought all its effect to nought. And it was obliged to withdraw. The infantry was also compelled to follow without waiting for the signal to withdraw, and our cannon, now operated by the Greys, sent its parting greetings after them. Seven hundred and twenty-odd enemy soldiers lay on the prairie; but we had lost about the fifth part of our men. With the exception of the massacre at the Alamo, this was more than had ever before fallen in any one battle. Meanwhile the enemy remained in possession of the little elevation and seemed disposed to renew the attack on the following day. The so anxiously looked for night broke in soon after the close of the battle, but it was to be no period of recovery for us. A fine rain was falling and spoiled the remaining good guns that we still possessed.

Every moment we expected to be attacked by the enemy, who had posted himself in three detachments around us. The first was placed toward Goliad; the second, on our way to Victoria; and the third, to our left and equally far from the other two so that they formed a triangle. Their signals indicated to us their exact positions. Under these circumstances it was impossible for us to retreat without being noticed. No other way lay open to us than to spike the cannon, abandon the wounded and all the baggage, set our guns in order, provide ourselves with sufficient ammunition and fight our way through the enemy, that is, through that detachment that blocked our way to Victoria. If we could only reach the forest, we would he safe, and no power that Mexico might be able to send over could battle successfully with the Texans. The Greys would rather sacrifice a part of the force for the young Republic than to have the consciousness of having turned the whole force over to the gruesomeness of the enemy upon whose honor and humanity no one could rely.

Fannin, however, was of another opinion. Was it possible the three not very dangerous wounds had exhausted his spirit, his well-known gallantry, or was it the groans and wails of the dying-as practically all of the wounded would have to die because the enemy here also used mainly copper bullets, or was it the hope that our advance guard, which had reached the woods before we noticed the Mexicans, would return with help? Only from the reports of our artillery could they infer that we had been attacked, and then as the echo hummed through the forest, it was too late for them to reunite with us, since as stated before, the Mexicans had surrounded us. They were thus also cut off from us. Consequently they could not do anything except to ride hastily to Victoria, which was ten miles away, and to lead the militia there, that was erroneously reported to run up to six hundred men, to our rescue.

Fannin constructed his plan on this hope, and in vain we besought him to use the darkness of the night to cover his retreat. He decided to remain and wait until eight o'clock in the morning. If no help should appear by that time, we could also beat our way through the ranks of our contemptible enemies by day; and if we could not be victorious, we could, at least die fighting.

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"Until then," he said, "Comrades, grant my words consideration; listen to the cries of pain of our brothers whom the skilled hand of a surgeon can save from the hands of death: Are we willing, are the Greys of New Orleans, the first company to enter the field for freedom, willing to leave their wounded brothers to horrible death that the barbarous enemy has sworn to them? Friends, another time I beseech you by the patriotic and humanitarian feelings that live in our hearts, do not forsake the helpless ones here. At least give them protection until the break of day. If no help is here by that time, fellow citizens, do your duty; I will follow you!"

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We felt the seriousness of the moment and the heavy responsibility of our plan and hesitatingly remained. Sadly and without consolation we stared into the night. What awful choice; to leave our friends and brothers to certain death, or to sacrifice ourselves for them! Only weak was our hope for reinforcements from Victoria as we were not convinced of the correctness of the report that militia were there. But we resigned ourselves to our fate, to wait for the next day. Meanwhile our few vehicles, dead horses and any other solid materials were laid up around our camp as breastwork in case of another attack. The groans of the dying friends and enemies far and near was heartbreaking. With shudders we heard their moaning and the hollow noises of the construction of the breastworks as they sounded through the black night across the dark prairie.

At regular intervals the signals of the enemy sounded over us. Otherwise everything was quiet, not even a breath of air moved. Only the cold misty rain helped to stiffen the half-dead bodies of our comrades; while others, who were burning with fever caused by poisoned copper bullets, were pleading in despair for water-only a swallow-only a drop. But there was not a drop with which to quench them; we had nothing to give except our heart's blood. God alone could help. He heard, He saw everything, and helped. A fresh rain cooled the bodies from without; and with the gradual disappearance of the outward heat, the terrible inward fever subsided also. To combat the stiffening of my own joints, I walked up and down in the camp while I cast useless glances into the impenetrable darkness. No rescuing sound could be heard from the east, no star was to be seen on the horizon, no hope flickered in the heart. A broken German speech startled me out of my musings.

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"Friend," it said, "lay this carpet bag under my head for me!" I did so and asked in the same language after the name of the unfortunate comrade. "I am-a German," was the answer. "Oh," he continued, "I would gladly---gladly---have fought---ten more battles for Texas---but it's over---with my labors---I'm done, my countryman---I am dying ---my name---Eigenauer from---Lauterbach---friend, if you ever get home again---think of me---my old mother still lives---write---I died ---for Texas---, write I died---for Texas, write her---my land---all---all---." He could not speak any more, he was at the point of death. Three bullets had passed through him after he lay bleeding on the ground. I heard his last groan---and I went out---toward the enemy.

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Black figures not very far away passed by me from time to time. They were the Indians, who were carrying off the fallen enemies to conceal from us their real loss with the coming of day. Moodily I wandered about, and first at the break of day did I return to the camp. Everybody was already awake in our little fort. Quietly and expectantly our looks wandered over the forest wall from where our rescuers were to burst forth. But with the advance of day our hopes on whose fulfillment Fannin had yesterday believed so faithfully, began to disappear. Doubt after doubt rose up like thunder clouds if not the whole report that a large number of militia were at Victoria was not false since it was difficult to get quick and accurate news in thinly settled country.

The artillery of the enemy, that had not arrived on the battlefield yesterday, was planted in position this morning with the detachment that blocked our way to the timber. Our labors during the night were now in vain. The enemy commanded the elevation and our breastworks were useless as his artillery could now reach every nook and corner of our camp, a circumstance that was not noticed yesterday in the heat of battle.
We could not remember ever having seen Fannin, usually so gallant and at times almost rash, so undecided as he was during the last eight days. Especially since yesterday it seemed that one plan after another passed through his head. The large number seemed to confuse him and to hinder him in his usually prompt manner of reaching a decision on a given matter and putting it into speedy execution. The groans of our wounded had now ceased. They had died either from their wounds or from the cold and wetness of the night; or the rain had somewhat alleviated their pains. Scattered far and near about our camp lay the dead Mexicans, that the Indians either had not found or could not carry away. A few of our men went over to view the dead bodies of the enemies, and not very far away from us they found the banner of the Mexican army under a pile of dead riders and horses and brought it into camp. But no rejoicing hurrah came over our lips. All knew that the deciding moment, that was to decide over life and death, was soon to strike. The flag was thrown without consideration on the debris of the camp.

It was approximately seven o'clock when we had given up all hope of reinforcements and had assembled to decide on which manner to attack the enemy and on how we could beat our way through, when suddenly the Mexican artillery bellowed out a good mormng to us and grape shot whistled through and over the assembly, which at once caused us to decide to attack the detachment on our road with our guns and Bowie knives in order to gain the timber. Everything was in readiness; even some of the severely wounded would rather die fighting than be helplessly murdered. See! Unexpectedly the white flag, the sign of peace, rose before us and halted us in our progress. Being suspicious we even then wanted to put our decision into execution, but Fannin's command fettered our movements.

New hopes had arisen within to save the men, who had been placed in his care and who were in this desperate situation because of him, even if it be through honorable capitulation. Three delegates of the enemy approached our camp, two Mexican cavalry officers and a German, who had worked himself up to colonel in the artillery and had won the favor of Santa Anna. He was, if I err not, from Mainz and originally a carpenter, He probably possessed mathematical and architectural talent and offered his services to the German-Mexican Mining company, which, however, was not accepted. Later he went to the English company and was employed by it and was sent to Mexico. Here Santa Anna noticed his talents and had him build a beautiful castle Mango de Clavo for him. Through the construction of this castle, that completely filled the expectations of the owner, Santa Anna got a very high opinion of the knowledge of the builder, which in reality was very meager, that he employed him as an engineer in the army from where he was later advanced to Colonel of Artillery.

This German, Holzinger, was the only officer of the three who could speak English. As it was, however, only in a broken manner, it was often necessary first to translate our transactions into German and from there carry them over to the Spanish. After long negotiations Fannin finally agreed that we should surrender all of our arms, that our private property should be respected, that we ourselves should be shipped through Copano or Matamoros to New Orleans and set free, and that, as long as we were prisoners of war, we should receive the same rations as the Mexican army received. Our obligation was to be our word of honor not to fight hereafter against the present Mexican government. Texans have generally believed that Fannin surrendered on approximately these terms, although Mexican officials have always insisted that the surrender was unconditional.

With misgivings we stood around our Colonel after the Mexicans had ridden back to Urrea, the commander of the Mexican army, to have the ratification of the agreements completed. The united volunteer Greys from New Orleans and Mobile protested loudly:

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Forward! Is this the way that Fannin fulfills his promises? Is this his gallantry? Has he forgotten Tampico, San Patricio and the Murder of our brothers in the Alamo? Has his long sojourn in Texas not acquainted him with the character of the Mexicans? Never will the Greys agree to a capitulation that will remove them from their precious fatherland. If the Mexicans should keep their word this time, it will be the Greys who will not feel themselves bound by the terms of this capitulation. Citizens, comrades, we now appeal to you. You do not yet know the false character of the Mexicans. You have not yet had enough intercourse with these barbarians to be able to judge them accurately. Believe the Greys; surrender, capitulation in Mexican is to die. If it shall be to die, let us die-fighting for Texas, a sacrifice for freedom. With us hundreds of the Mexicans will fall, and possibly we will succeed in breaking through their ranks, although they are probably ten times as strong as we. Think of the few of us who succeeded in taking San Antonio away from them. Two hundred and ten men against 2,000! Why should we not at least now risk the battle.

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Thus we spoke, but our speech had missed its purpose. The prospect of soon being back in the States again and of reentering upon former conditions of life moved the other troops to give preference to capitulation. Certainly the life of a soldier in the wilderness is irksome, and the privations that he must endure are not few. But they did not know the charm of the life that the prairies, teeming with game, offered them that, like the red Comanches, hunts through them during all seasons of the year. No worry about house, nourishment, and dress weighs on the fantastically dressed ranger. Everywhere he finds nourishment in abundance, and the few remaining necessities that he is obliged to draw from the regions of civilization are earned with the gun. Happy because he freely roams through the splendid west, he seldom sees the settlements. But when the day of election approached, when the highest officer of the land is to be elected, then the ranger stands with his countrymen to cast his vote for the best interests of his country. It was, therefore, useless to talk against such inclinations. They decided, credulously, to sign the capitulation and the Greys and a part of the Red Rovers, who still held to their former position, were obliged to yield to the majority and like the others hand over their guns.

Inwardly deeply humiliated, which showed itself on our faces, we walked up and down in our camp, casting angry looks at Fannin and the others that had voted for the capitulation. Some sat lost in thought with eyes fixed stark on the ground and envied those who had died during the battle. Despair stood on the features of many of the men, who only too well foresaw our fate. Especially one American named Johnson made himself conspicuous because of his anger. Gnashing his teeth, he stamped on the ground. Thick clouds of smoke from his glowing Havana twirled about his head. Like the smoke from a steamboat cloud after cloud streamed from his mouth, and quicker and quicker they issued forth. Denser and denser did the cloud mass become until it seldom revealed the head, in which now, as it seemed, a terrible plan was being worked up.

Curiosity had brought many Mexicans into our camp, and in company with the Greys they wandered over the field covered with debris and corpses. Nervously they glanced at the stern gray cannon, which had always been frightful to them, as if they were still afraid of this, although now unarmed, enemy that had driven their dried up soldiers from house to house in San Antonio. Now of course they looked down with contempt on the spectacle, to have prisoners of the Texas army. Never before in their lives had they experienced a thing of this kind. Group after group of the Mexicans crowded over into our camp to see the pretty guns that we had surrendered. Everybody was in fervent emotion in that the ones possessed with malicious joy of victory and the other with shameful despondency, and I have said what the Greys felt. Suddenly a light flashed through the misty morning, a dull report followed, and a terrible jarring of the air was combined with it. And then deathly stillness fell over the prairie, which was again covered with wounded men.

Impenetrable suffocating smoke, held down by the damp air, rolled heavily over the dark green prairie. Wildly the horses of several of the enemy officers reared up and frantic with fear rushed out with their stupefied riders in uninterrupted speed with ruffled up manes and flying tails into the safe distance. All had either done so themselves or were thrown to the ground by the concussion and after a while, we still half stunned, went toward the place where the explosion seemed to have broken loose. The powder magazine had disappeared; only a part of the lower frame-work remained. Around the place lay several men wounded, although not severely, and about fifteen yards away from the wagon lay a black body that barely looked like one of a human being. It was still alive but not able to speak. It was burnt black like the color of a negro, and it was impossible to tell who the unfortunate one was. Our glances wandered searching around; the roll was called and the missing man was Johnson.

No one had noticed him before. Was it an accident or was it really his plan to kill himself and as many Mexicans as possible at the same time? At what he considered the favorable moment, he must have ignited the magazine. But as the lid was locked, the main jar went upward, and in this way the terrible plan missed its purpose. The confusion was not yet over, the rage of the Mexicans had not yet subsided, when suddenly the clear signal of alarm sounded over to us and the enemy hastily assembled his troops. Soon this movement explained itself. Our true advance guard appeared in the forest together with all the militia that Colonel Horton could get together in the short time. The report on which we had built our hope was certainly untrue, that is, that there were from 600 to 800 militia at Victoria. Instead there were from thirty to forty men who were waiting for Fannin's arrival and who now appeared under Horton's leadership, forty-odd men altogether, with the positive determination to help us, 'But what fright,' said the brave Horton later on, 'took possession of us as we concluded the results of the fateful morning from the position of the Mexican troops! We stood in astonishment and were undecided (what) to do when suddenly the war-like bugle notes of the Mexicans sounded. No time was to be lost; quickly we had to counsel and just as quickly we were ready. If Fannin had so far forgotten his duty-as to surrender we were obliged to save ourselves for the Republic. Now was the time when Texas needed our arms and our guns. All of our volunteers were now either taken prisoners or were murdered. Consequently we turned our horses and speedily galloped back to Victoria to unite with Houston's troops at Gonzales."

As Horton and his men fled, the Mexicans hastily pursued, however, without results. Safely the former reached the dark and densely forested banks of the Guadalupe and disappeared into the well known forests, which savingly received them into their closely interwoven plant world and the from ten to fifteen feet high cane brakes, and the enemy dared not follow them. If our troops had arrived a half hour earlier, we would have frustrated the bloody catastrophe that soon followed, but it was written otherwise in the book of fate. The volunteers were to die that Texas might step forth from her really precarious position with greater splendor. A sacrificial offering had to be made for freedom in order to fire up anew that spirit that was for a while slumbering so carefree, especially in the hearts of the settlers. It was necessary to execute a bloody act to demonstrate the difference between the blessings of a free system of government and the injustice and presumption of a tyrannical absolute government such as Santa Anna had introduced by the overthrow of the liberal Constitution of 1824 and its conversion into a centralized governmental system.