Public Enemy #1

"A COVID-19 positive Sydney man on the run from health authorities and police has been labelled as "public health enemy number one".

Anthony Karam was ordered into two weeks of quarantine by New South Wales Health after being told he had the deadly virus on August 14.

NSW Police visited an address provided by the 27-year-old, but discovered he provided fake information, according to officers.

He is wanted on an outstanding warrant after failing to isolate."

"It is the first time NSW Health issued an order under the section that allows them to name a person and their medical condition."

https://www.skynews.com.au/australia-news/coronavirus/anthony-karam-reportedly-goes-back-on-promise-to-hand-himself-in-after-negotiations-with-nsw-police/news-story/169a8524a5618d1186d32715289fb6dc

A "sick" man who wants to be left alone is their #1 enemy?

📍Australia: “They’re getting paid for that shit” - Former NBA star Andrew Bogut says influencers and celebrities were offered money to promote lockdowns.

Athletes were also told they can’t make any anti-lockdown or anti-government statements. pic.twitter.com/j1jZLrAoNj

— Libs of Tik Tok (@libsoftiktok) August 22, 2021

Thanks for sharing that.

Andrew Bogut's stock just went up in my book.

Hopefully this movement has legs. More than one way to skin a cat.

Australia: The truck drivers of Australia are planning to shut down the country in order to bring down the dictators... They are telling you to stock up on food for a couple of weeks . Let’s see how this plays out.. #NoMoreLockdowns #AustraliaHasFallen pic.twitter.com/8ptCFgc4IY

— Gillian McKeith (@GillianMcKeith) August 22, 2021

These people are absolutely insane

It's like they're using V for Vendetta as a how to guide for a police state.

How can anyone think this **** is ok. Wtf is wrong with people and the news.

Good lord. Time for the Ausies to overthrow their government and kick the media out of the studio. My cousin lives in Sydney with two teen daughters. They are losing their minds over this and having to keep the girls from having contact with anyone outside the house.

And there are millions in this country who are praying to their god of little ball of spiked protein and Fauci that the same thing is imposed here. I can think of several dozen on this forum who see Australia as the shining light. Of course, most of them would say Australia isn't going far enough.

Everyone needs to read this and re-read this dissenting opinion from Alex Kozinski (9th. Cir.). This case is pre-Heller but the point still stands. I've posted snippets of it before but this thread is a prime example of why everyone needs to read the entire thing:

Quote:

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Judges know very well how to read the Constitution broadly when they are sympathetic to the right being asserted. We have held, without much ado, that "speech, or ... the press" also means the Internet, see Reno v. ACLU, 521 U.S. 844, 117 S. Ct. 2329, 138 L. Ed. 2d 874 (1997), and that "persons, houses, papers, and effects" also means public telephone booths, see Katz v. United States, 389 U.S. 347, 88 S. Ct. 507, 19 L. Ed. 2d 576 (1967). When a particular right comports especially well with our notions of good social policy, we build magnificent legal edifices on elliptical constitutional phrases or even the white spaces between lines of constitutional text. See, e.g., Compassion in Dying v. Washington, 79 F.3d 790 (9th Cir. 1996) (en banc), rev'd sub nom. Washington v. Glucksberg, 521 U.S. 702, 117 S. Ct. 2258, 138 L. Ed. 2d 772 (1997). But, as the panel amply demonstrates, when we're none too keen on a particular constitutional guarantee, we can be equally ingenious in burying language that is incontrovertibly there.

It is wrong to use some constitutional provisions as springboards for major social change while treating others like senile relatives to be cooped up in a nursing home until they quit annoying us. As guardians of the Constitution, we must be consistent in interpreting its provisions. If we adopt a jurisprudence sympathetic to individual rights, we must give broad compass to all constitutional provisions that protect individuals from tyranny. If we take a more statist approach, we must give all such provisions narrow scope. Expanding some to gargantuan proportions while discarding others like a crumpled gum wrapper is not faithfully applying the Constitution; it's using our power as federal judges to constitutionalize our personal preferences.

The able judges of the panel majority are usually very sympathetic to individual rights, but they have succumbed to the temptation to pick and choose. Had they brought the same generous approach to the Second Amendment that they routinely bring to the First, Fourth and selected portions of the Fifth, they would have had no trouble finding an individual right to bear arms. Indeed, to conclude otherwise, they had to ignore binding precedent. United States v. Miller, 307 U.S. 174, 59 S. Ct. 816, 83 L. Ed. 1206 (1939), did not hold that the defendants lacked standing to raise a Second Amendment defense, even though the government argued the collective rights theory in its brief. See Kleinfeld Dissent at 586-587; see also Brannon P. Denning & Glenn H. Reynolds, Telling Miller's Tale: A Reply to David Yassky, 65 Law & Contemp. Probs. 113, 117-18 (2002). The Supreme Court reached the Second Amendment claim and rejected it on the merits after finding no evidence that Miller's weapon a sawed-off shotgun was reasonably susceptible to militia use. See Miller, 307 U.S. at 178, 59 S. Ct. 816. We are bound not only by the outcome of Miller but also by its rationale. If Miller's claim was dead on arrival because it was raised by a person rather than a state, why would the Court have bothered discussing whether a sawed-off shotgun was suitable for militia use? The panel majority not only ignores Miller's test; it renders most of the opinion wholly superfluous. As an inferior court, we may not tell the Supreme Court it was out to lunch when it last visited a constitutional provision.

The majority falls prey to the delusion popular in some circles that ordinary people are too careless and stupid to own guns, and we would be far better off leaving all weapons in the hands of professionals on the government payroll. But the simple truth born of experience is that tyranny thrives best where government need not fear the wrath of an armed people. Our own sorry history bears this out: Disarmament was the tool of choice for subjugating both slaves and free blacks in the South. In Florida, patrols searched blacks' homes for weapons, confiscated those found and punished their owners without judicial process. See Robert J. Cottrol & Raymond T. Diamond, The Second Amendment: Toward an Afro-Americanist Reconsideration, 80 Geo. L.J. 309, 338 (1991). In the North, by contrast, blacks exercised their right to bear arms to defend against racial mob violence. Id. at 341-42. As Chief Justice Taney well appreciated, the institution of slavery required a class of people who lacked the means to resist. See Dred Scott v. Sandford, 60 U.S. (19 How.) 393, 417, 15 L. Ed. 691 (1857) (finding black citizenship unthinkable because it would give blacks the right to "keep and carry arms wherever they went"). A revolt by Nat Turner and a few dozen other armed blacks could be put down without much difficulty; one by four million armed blacks would have meant big trouble.

All too many of the other great tragedies of history Stalin's atrocities, the killing fields of Cambodia, the Holocaust, to name but a few were perpetrated by armed troops against unarmed populations. Many could well have been avoided or mitigated, had the perpetrators known their intended victims were equipped with a rifle and twenty bullets apiece, as the Militia Act required here. See Kleinfeld Dissent at 578-579. If a few hundred Jewish fighters in the Warsaw Ghetto could hold off the Wehrmacht for almost a month with only a handful of weapons, six million Jews armed with rifles could not so easily have been herded into cattle cars.

My excellent colleagues have forgotten these bitter lessons of history. The prospect of tyranny may not grab the headlines the way vivid stories of gun crime routinely do. But few saw the Third Reich coming until it was too late. The Second Amendment is a doomsday provision, one designed for those exceptionally rare circumstances where all other rights have failed where the government refuses to stand for reelection and silences those who protest; where courts have lost the courage to oppose, or can find no one to enforce their decrees. However improbable these contingencies may seem today, facing them unprepared is a mistake a free people get to make only once.

Fortunately, the Framers were wise enough to entrench the right of the people to keep and bear arms within our constitutional structure. The purpose and importance of that right was still fresh in their minds, and they spelled it out clearly so it would not be forgotten. Despite the panel's mighty struggle to erase these words, they remain, and the people themselves can read what they say plainly enough:

A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed.

The sheer ponderousness of the panel's opinion the mountain of verbiage it must deploy to explain away these fourteen short words of constitutional text refutes its thesis far more convincingly than anything I might say. The panel's labored effort to smother the Second Amendment by sheer body weight has all the grace of a sumo wrestler trying to kill a rattlesnake by sitting on it and is just as likely to succeed.

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ETA: Australians already made the mistake once.

3 years ago I was in Perth and I had an aussie co-worker laugh at me for having an AR-15....he mocked me and said "yeah, like you need that".

I said, I probably won't ever need it, its worth more now thean when I bought it, it's fun to shoot and if I ever do need it, I won't be throwing rocks.

Most Aussies (especially big city) blindly trust gov. They are getting exactly what they asked for.